Free Essays on A Running Experience

Pound, pound, pound. With each stride, fatigue accumulates. Lactic acid fills my legs, making every motion harder. My mind asks me, â€Å"Why are you doing this? Why put yourself through all this pain?† My heart responds: â€Å"Because I have to.† Running is a painful sport. Ask anyone. There are even shirts that say, â€Å"My sport is your punishment.† So it would be hard to comprehend why I would want to do this every day, running 10 miles, with each mile faster than a lot of people’s fastest mile. It’s because of the sense of accomplishment achieved, pushing through the pain and coming out on top. Never has this been most evident than at Cross Country League Finals. I was in the first race of the day. As I toed the line, thoughts were racing. Sweat was pouring. All I could think of was the great amount of competition in this race. But they say the time before the race is always the worst part, the anticipation, the nervousness. But once the gun goes off, all this anxiety is erased. Boom! Suddenly, all thoughts are erased. I start off slow, as my biggest problem has always been starting off too fast and getting tired early. I am in 30th place and the first mile marker of the three-mile race is seen up ahead. I decide now is the time to step it up. As I pass the marker, my stride lengthens, my pulse quickens, my legs get heavier, but I push on. Through the pain, through the tiredness, the shortness of breathe. Just one more. Just one more runner I tell myself, as I pass, runner after runner. Finally, there is only a quarter mile left. I realize it’s just me and a runner from a rival school. We are both exhausted, both hurting, but neither of us give in, then there is only 50 yards left. Somewhere inside me, a voice says, â€Å"GO.† I go. And I win. Through the pain, through the exhaustion, I win.... Free Essays on A Running Experience Free Essays on A Running Experience Pound, pound, pound. With each stride, fatigue accumulates. Lactic acid fills my legs, making every motion harder. My mind asks me, â€Å"Why are you doing this? Why put yourself through all this pain?† My heart responds: â€Å"Because I have to.† Running is a painful sport. Ask anyone. There are even shirts that say, â€Å"My sport is your punishment.† So it would be hard to comprehend why I would want to do this every day, running 10 miles, with each mile faster than a lot of people’s fastest mile. It’s because of the sense of accomplishment achieved, pushing through the pain and coming out on top. Never has this been most evident than at Cross Country League Finals. I was in the first race of the day. As I toed the line, thoughts were racing. Sweat was pouring. All I could think of was the great amount of competition in this race. But they say the time before the race is always the worst part, the anticipation, the nervousness. But once the gun goes off, all this anxiety is erased. Boom! Suddenly, all thoughts are erased. I start off slow, as my biggest problem has always been starting off too fast and getting tired early. I am in 30th place and the first mile marker of the three-mile race is seen up ahead. I decide now is the time to step it up. As I pass the marker, my stride lengthens, my pulse quickens, my legs get heavier, but I push on. Through the pain, through the tiredness, the shortness of breathe. Just one more. Just one more runner I tell myself, as I pass, runner after runner. Finally, there is only a quarter mile left. I realize it’s just me and a runner from a rival school. We are both exhausted, both hurting, but neither of us give in, then there is only 50 yards left. Somewhere inside me, a voice says, â€Å"GO.† I go. And I win. Through the pain, through the exhaustion, I win....

Code Name Jane - Abortion Counseling Service 1969-1973

Code Name Jane - Abortion Counseling Service 1969-1973 Jane was the code name of a feminist abortion referral and counseling service in Chicago from 1969 to 1973. The official name of the group was the Abortion Counseling Service of Womens Liberation. Jane disbanded after the Supreme Courts Roe v. Wade decision legalized most first and second trimester abortions in the United States. Historical Context Prior to the  Roe v. Wade  decision, abortion was illegal nearly everywhere in the United States, although women had been terminating unwanted or dangerous pregnancies for centuries.  Thousands of women had died from illegal, back-alley abortions in the United States and around the world before the procedure was legalized. For women wishing or needing to end a pregnancy, options were scarce and gruesome: sketchy doctors in unsanitary conditions, risking being caught in a sting, or physical or chemical DIY abortifacients. Underground Abortion Service The leaders of Jane were part of the Chicago Womens Liberation Union (CWLU). Women who called seeking help spoke to a contact code named Jane, who referred the caller to an abortion provider. Like the Underground Railroad of the previous century, the activists of Jane broke the law in order to save womens lives.  Jane helped an estimated 10,000 to 12,000 women obtain abortions without fatalities. The group began in 1969 in Chicago, advertising with simple ads in alternative and student newspapers. At first, the Jane activists tried to find reliable doctors and arranged for callers to meet the abortionists in secret locations. A caller would leave a message on the networks answering machine, and a Jane would call her back, collect the necessary information, and pass it along to a Big Jane who handled the logistical aspects. The patients would first be taken to one place for counseling before being secretly led to a facility for the procedure itself. Eventually, some Jane women learned to perform abortions themselves. Since many of the male doctors who performed illegal abortions charged astronomical prices, the Janes learned medical skills and would charge as little as 10% or even less of a male doctors fee. As detailed in the book The Story of Jane: The Legendary Underground Feminist Abortion Service by Laura Kaplan (New York: Pantheon Books, 1995), one of Janes goals was to give women a sense of control and knowledge in a situation that otherwise made them powerless. Jane sought to work with the women, not do something to them. Jane also tried to protect women, who were often in difficult financial circumstances, from being exploited by abortionists who could and would charge any price they could get from a woman who was desperate for an abortion. Counseling and Medical Procedures The women of Jane learned the basics of performing abortions. They also induced miscarriages for certain pregnancies and brought in midwives who could assist the induced women. If women went to a hospital emergency room after inducing a miscarriage, they risked being turned over to the police. In 1972, the worst did happen. Chicago police raided one of the apartments used as a base of operations for the Janes. Seven women were arrested and charged for their roles in facilitating the illegal abortion procedures. Even then, the Janes worked to protect the identities and safety of the women who had trusted them. While in the police van itself, the arrested women ripped up the cards with their patients identifying information and swallowed the bits of paper that contained the most crucial details.   Jane also provided counseling, health information and sex education. Following the  Roe  decision, the network disbanded, as its services were no longer needed. In the 21st century, however, as local governments have chipped away at access to abortion services, similar networks of women helping women have popped up across the country, this time with access to modern medicine. The Women Jane Helped According to Jane by Laura Kaplan, the women who sought abortion help from Jane included: Women who could not care for a childWomen who became pregnant even though they used contraceptionWomen whose male partners forbade them to use contraceptionWomen who thought they were no longer fertileGirls who did not (yet) understand how reproductive biology works Women who came to Jane were of various classes, ages, races and ethnicities. The feminist activists of Jane said they had helped females from age 11 through age 50. Other Groups Nationwide There were other small abortion referral groups in cities across the United States. Womens groups and clergy were among those who created compassionate networks to help women find safe, legal access to abortion. The story of Jane is also told in a 1996 documentary film called Jane: An Abortion Service. Sources: Haberman, Clyde. Code Name Jane: The Women Behind A Covert Abortion Network.  The New York Times  14 Oct. 2018,  https://www.nytimes.com/2018/10/14/us/illegal-abortion-janes.html. Kaplan, Laura.  The  Story of Jane: The Legendary Underground Feminist Abortion Service.  New York: Pantheon Books, 1995.

Is It Irrational Not to Be a Consequentialist Essay

Is It Irrational Not to Be a Consequentialist - Essay Example Thus, there is the establishment that the kind of action taken by the individual, either upright or rather morally acceptable behavior is what leads to the result. However, it also states that in the presence of morally wrong behavior, it does account for any bad or rather deeming consequences. In the paper, there is the clear exploration of the question whether it is irrational not to be of the consequentialism mind. The question is definitely one asked by people over ages and many are times that an ideal answer has lacked to emerge. Most people are of the concept that a person who sides with the consequentialism ideology is irrational. This is, however, not always true, as only the pessimists look at the ideology in that manner. â€Å"This is explained in that the thought of it being irrational is fueled by the thought of a consequence that will be very detrimental. It would hurt either the performer of the action or even the people that will be pretentious of the action either di rectly or indirectly† (Mill, 2008, 77). This basis is not legitimate on its own because of poor or ignored review of the other concept of thought and consequences of actions. This supports the notion that goes by the adage that the result of something is clearly justified by the means used to achieve it. On the other hand, there are those that are clearly optimistic by thinking that despite the manner or the method used to get to a point, the mind ought to fathom the consequences. Irrational not to be on the consequentialism ideology describes the optimists vividly. â€Å"As they are described, they just carry out their activities without the perception of the looming danger in case the idea or the project they may be contemplating working out may not conceive the desired conclusion† (Singer, 2006, 49). One of the well-known scientists in the field of human perception, Professor T.M focused his views on the issue using the concept of human rights. â€Å"The professor w as recognized to be very thorough in his explanation. He did this in an effort to explain the nature of both the ones who term the ideology irrational and rational† (Scheffler, 2004, 167). The professor explained clearly that if a person has the right to carry out a certain desired act knowing it will not endanger other people; the consequences of exercising rights are self and hence, there is the allowing of the practice. In the review of this subject matter, focusing on the general ideology is not convincing and detailed enough. Hence, the scrutiny by breaking it down to the various philosophies that comprise the general ideology of consequentialism has to happen. One of the comprising philosophies is Utilitarianism. â€Å"A famous historian by the name of Jeremy Bentham was known for his advocacy of the concept. In his explanation of the philosophy, he claimed that for a human to take a certain course of action, there are two main perceptions that linger in his mind. One o f them is gratification, while the one is misery† (Samuel, 2007, 127). The historian stated that the searching of pleasure could make a person go through misery as long as the result was going to be pleasure. For example a mass murderer who goes out on a killing spree to satisfy his pleasure of seeing people suffering. â€Å"With this notion, it is thus noted that this form of utilitarianism describes a member irrational to be a consequentialist†

What type of creative person are you IN other worlds, How are you Essay

What type of creative person are you IN other worlds, How are you creative How does your creativity benefit you - Essay Example In terms of creativity, I am a person who pays attention to detail. In any situation, paying attention to the small things that any ordinary person would overlook enables me to always come up with creative solutions. In terms of artistic ability, I have done some poems and drawings which showcase my creativity. However, I can assertively state that creativity is not like talent; it is not naturally acquired. In contrast, it is an art which one has to learn to nurture. Once one gains the creative aspect, it becomes part of own lifestyle. My creativity benefits me in many ways. First, life presents different challenges that would require creative decisions to overcome. In such instances, I have always found solution to most of my problems through creativity. For instance, I was not born in a well of family. Consequently, I did not have enough pocket money as my classmates in high school. However, I made up for the money I did have by selling some paintings at a fee whenever there was an opportunity to do so. Besides, school work always demands creativity. Most of the questions asked during exams in subjects like mathematics or social sciences require engagement of some creative thoughts. In such cases, applying the knowledge gained in class is usually accompanied with some creativity. It is in such instances that I have come to appreciate creativity. In fact, in studies not requiring theoretical knowledge as a background, I have always excelled. The most significant aspect of creativity that has benefited me most is in my social life. Being a foreign student, it is a little bit different to get integrate with every student. However, as a creative being, I find myself easy while interacting with other students. During my first days in school, communication was not so easy given the speech impediment that I had. However, this did not bar me from communicating with my colleagues as I always came up with creative means of talking to them.

Technologies vs Traditional Skill Essay Example for Free

Technologies vs Traditional Skill Essay The traditional skills seems to be forgotten and dying due to the betterment of technology. The enhancement of technology improves the quality of life in the aspect of education, medication, and communication. The advantages of the improvement of technology can be seen in the field of education. The advancement in technology helps the students in their learning. The use of technology like projector in class makes the learning fun and easy to be understood by the students. In some schools, they use e-learning as a medium for the students to easily accessed to their teachers and learning. Now, a teacher does not need to use chalk and wasting their energy to write on the blackboard. Another contribution of the development of technology is in the aspect of medication. The body of a person can easily be analyzed by using the x-ray technology, microscope, scanners and many others. The revolutionized medicines and surgical tools make the treatment and surgery become less painful. The treatments become more efficient and many health problems can be cured easily. Lastly, communication is no longer limited because of the development of technology. In the past, people wrote and sent information through letter and telegram, which requires a long time to be received by the receiver. But now, information can be sent and received just by a click. Whether it is emergency services, friends, family or work related issues; we now have cell phones, PDA’s, email, and other ways of electronically transferring information we need to communicate for whatever reason. To sum up, there is no need to retain the traditional methods as the advanced technologies have already made the life ultimately easier.

Revolution Girl Style: Fifty Years of Women in Rock and Roll Essay

Revolution Girl Style: Fifty Years of Women in Rock and Roll Rock and roll was born of a black man's soul and a white man's...well, his whiteness; his wallet and radio station. Rock is the white man's version of black man's music; it's full of rebellion and rawness and soul, a style of music that captured America's youth and the fire and brimstone of the clergy's private hell. Elvis heard Big Mama Thornton's throaty and soulful "Hound Dog" and the rest is history; unquestionable talent aside, it was his white skin that allowed certain DJs to play him on the radio in the midst of the rigid segregation of the nineteen-fifties. Ever since then, rock has constantly walked the line between trendsetters and trendfollowers; those who innovate and those who capitalize. It is, perhaps, a natural occurance when you combine rebellion with big business. An innovative band or artist does something raw and passionate; other artists or labels take it and water it down just enough to make it marketable. As such, rock also has to keep reinventing itself, for t oday's innovation will quickly become tomorrow's tripe. The rawness of rock either frightens people or attracts them; its ability to shock and offend is legendary and vital to the survival of the genre. "Rock has always professed (although many times hypothetically) to ally itself with rebellion and to the dismantling of the status quo." (Juno 4) In the 1960s, racial tensions far surpassed gender ones; the Supremes encountered far more prejudice because of their black skins than Janis Joplin did because of her gender. But in the late sixties and early seventies, the faultlines that held together America's illusions of bliss fractured, and out of the cracks came people fighting for sel... ... Juno Books, 1996. Laven, Anna. Telephone interview. 11 April 2004. McDonnell, Evelyn and Ann Powers, ed. rock she wrote: women write about rock, pop, and rap. New York: Copper Square Press, 1995. Morgan, Joan. When Chickenheads Come Home to Roost: A Hip Hop Feminist Breaks It Down. New York: Touchstone Books, 1999. O ¹Dair, Barbara, ed. Trouble Girls: The Rolling Stone Book of Women in Rock. New York: Random House, 1997. O ¹Hara, Craig. The Philosophy of Punk. San Francisco: AK Press, 1999. Sinker, Dan. Punk Planet: The Collected Interviews. New York: Adeline Press, 2003. Sinker, Dan.  ³Venus. ² Punk Planet July-Aug 2002: 64-67. Swirling, Ross. Telephone interview. 11 April 2004. Turner, Chà ©rie. Everything You Need to Know about the Riot Grrrl Movement: The Feminism of a New Generation. New York: The Rosen Publishing Group, Inc., 2001.

Corruption and Neoliberalism in the Philippines Essay

Despite this year’s onslaught of devastating earthquakes, factional rebel sieges, and most recently, record breaking typhoons, the Philippines is doing surprisingly well for itself. In fact, The Economist Intelligence Unit reports that though the wreckage caused by last weeks Supertyphoon Haiyan will likely slow GDP somewhat, economic damage will not be significant, the Eastern Visayas region accounting for only two per cent of the countrys GDP. Economically, at least, the Philippines has had good year: the first half of 2013 saw GDP growth at 7. 3 percent, the highest growth rate in Asia; it saw seen record foreign direct investment levels; moved itself from low-income to middle-income country in the World Bank country database; and for the first time, became a creditor rather than debtor to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) (Desierto, The Economist). Nevertheless, the poverty rate remains at 27. percent with little movement in the past five years, unemployment is at seven percent, and underemployment continues to hover around twenty percent (The Economist Intelligence Unit). Despite record growth levels in the Philippines, large numbers of Filipinos still struggle to find employment and meet their basic needs. Foreign Policy and Fund for Peace have named the Philippines as one of their top 60 failed states in the 2013 Failed States Report. Ranking 59 out of 178 countries, the Philippines scored a slightly improved but critical 82. 8 (â€Å"Failed States†). Five of its worst scores occurred in: security apparatus, including issues like riots and fatalities from rebel activity; factionalized elites, including power struggles and flawed elections; group grievance, including iolence between groups; state legitimacy, including corruption, level of government effectiveness, and illicit economies; and demographic pressures, including population growth, natural disasters, and disease (â€Å"The Indicators†). The aftermath of recent disasters and rebel conflict are likely to raise these rates for the coming report, bringing the Philippines closer to the brink of failure. Why, in the midst of unprecedented economic growth, is the country faring so poorly in terms of development indicators like poverty and political stability? Mainstream development discourse assures that rapid economic growth leads to evelopment and poverty reduction, but this has yet to be the case for Filipinos. In a previous paper I discuss the issue of the accuracy, reliability, and focus of poverty measurements and the development discourse itself, but there are larger factors at play as well. In this paper, I discuss how the history of corruption and neoliberalism, two contested but highly influential issues, have negatively impacted development as a whole in the Philippines and perpetuated the poverty of its population. According to a recent poll by the online periodical The Philippine Star, an verwhelming majority of the Filipino online public viewed corruption as the single largest cause of poverty in the Philippines. Revisiting Transparency International’s statistics in the Corruption Perceptions Index, Filipinos scored their country a 34 on a scale of 0-100, with O being highly corrupt and 100 being very clean (2012). Personal experience recalls an overt general mistrust in government officials having the people’s interests at heart, and a series of news reports detailing impeachments and scandals related to graft and corruption within both government and ongovernmental organizations from 2010 to 2012. Despite being an independent democracy since the late 1940s (the Marcos regime’s dictatorial break notwithstanding), the Philippines has suffered corrupt government officials in almost every presidency, most notably those of Marcos, Estrada and Arroyo (The Economist Intelligence Unit). According to Dr. Diane Desierto in an op-ed calling out to current President Benigno Aquino, corruption has strained the Philippine economy for decades, and the unrecoverable public funds lost to corruption at the cost of national investment is a national outrage. Most recently in the news is the Pork Barrel Scandal, where President Aquino and the ombudsmen have charged 3 senators, 2 former lawmakers, and a businesswoman for misusing over $200 million in state funds (Hookway). Pork Barrel is a state allocation of funds set aside for senators to use on development projects of their choice, of which the president says the accused used for fabricated project proposals to take personal kickbacks. Public protests against the scandal have been massive, and the people are calling for not only the eradication of the Pork Barrel fund itself, but of the president’s own spending fund as well. President Aquino faces the dilemma of upholding his strict anticorruption agenda, appealing to the public, and maintaining support of powerful lawmakers and congressmen (Hookway). James Hookway argues that Aquinds decision on the scandal will heavily determine foreign investor confidence in the Philippines, influencing the path of the countrys development. Indeed most development professionals agree that corruption and bad governance are inversely related to the development of a country. The worst indicators in the Philippine Failed States Report outwardly suggest governance issues re a threat to the state and a major cause of internal violence and conflict. Good governance has been the recent focus of many World Bank projects, the group stating that, â€Å"a capable and accountable state creates opportunities for poor people, provides better services, and improves development outcomes† (qtd. in Bello, â€Å"Is Corruption the Cause? â€Å"). Jeffrey Sachs names governance failures as a top factor in a countrys economic stagnation and decline; and William Easterly argues that bad governments, not a poverty trap, are sole culprits in the economic decline of a country (Sachs 57; Easterly 43). Easterlys stance on corruption is tough: continuing to provide aid to countries with corrupt governments is inefficient, as most countries with bad governments fare significantly worse even with aid than do countries with good governments (42). In the Philippines, all signs in mainstream discourse point to corruption as the major reason for continuing poverty despite high economic growth. Yet there is a small but growing number of people arguing otherwise. According to activists like Walden Bello, while corruption is detrimental to the trust and moral bonds of a democracy, it is not the principal cause of poverty. Between 1990 and 000, he argues, the Philippines and China reported the same levels of corruption; yet China grew by 10. 3 percent, while the Philippines grew by only 3. 3 percent (â€Å"Is Corruption the Cause? â€Å"). It is not corruption, he says, but the negative effects of neoliberal adjustment policies that have maintained poverty levels at the rate they are today (Bello). As Peet and Hartwick explain, neoliberalism was the economic response to Keynesian economics and the failures of Import Substitution Industrialization (IS’) that took hold of development discourse in the 1970s with the rise of the Reagan and Thatcher administrations. Influenced by Hayek’s theories, neoliberalism favored free markets and minimal government involvement outside of controlling interest rates and money supply (Peet 78-83). In response to the economic crises brought on by ISI in the 70s and 80s, developed nations and international organizations (10s) came up with the Washington Consensus, a list of policy reforms and conditions for debtor countries to the IMF to follow in order to receive loans. Reforms included fiscal discipline, decreased public expenditures, tax reform, low interest rates, trade liberalization and deregulation, privatization of public goods, and an increase in oreign direct investment (FDI) (Peet 84). According to Walden Bello, neoliberalism has become a hegemony of economic paradigm, especially in the Philippines. After the forced exile of Ferdinand Marcos and Corazon Aquinds rise to power, Bello says the country was more than primed for neoliberal structural adjustment policies when it turned to the World Bank during an economic crisis in the 80s (â€Å"Neoliberalism†). A number of factors led the Philippines to strongly adhere to neoliberal policies. One, technocrats close to former President Aquino were highly influenced by Reagan, Thatcher, and the free-market economic paradigm. Two, the University of the Philippines School of Economics published its anti-Marcos White Paper on the Philippine Economy, capturing the popular mood of the time that Marcos was proof that the state had become subject to ‘crony capitalism’ and was an inefficient source of development progress. Three, international events like the collapse of European socialism, the successful revitalization of U. S. and British economies, and the rise of newly industrialized Asian countries (though Bello argues these countries’ successes bore more from protectionism than neoliberalism) inspired the Philippine elites and middle class, who had the most influence over olicy discourse (â€Å"Neoliberalism†). With ISI and Keynesian economics shrouded by bad memories of the Marcos regime, and the Communist partys preoccupation with the anti-fascist struggle, Bello states there were no credible alternatives for the country but neoliberalism. In the 90s the Ramos administration kicked structural adjustment into high gear, being one of the few administrations in the region to fully adhere to IMF conditions. Focal to Philippine adjustment was massive tariff liberalization and deregulation to increase FDI and speculative investment, as well as a furious signing of multilateral ariff agreements with the WTO, ASEAN, the IMF, and the United Nations (Bello). The economy grew 4 percent during Ramos’ presidency, until the Asian Crisis hit the Philippines in 1997. Suddenly, $4 6 billion in speculative investments tlew out ot the country, triggering a downward slide into economic recession and stagnation. With the WTO Agreement in Agriculture, the Philippines went from a food net exporter to a net importer (particularly in rice, a main staple of the local agriculture sector), sparking a crisis of food insecurity and a loss of Job security in the agricultural industry. The Philippines also saw its local textile and manufacturing industries fail: â€Å"by the early years of this decade, the countrys textile industry had shrunk from 200 to less than 10 firms† (Bello, â€Å"Neoliberalism†). Loss of local industry was supposed to be bolstered by consumer welfare and increased spending as foreign investment brought diverse and stable employment; but this has not been the case for the Philippines; rather unemployment and underemployment rates have remained at a consistent high. Despite this and recent protests against globalization in the country, neoliberalism emains the central focus of economic policy in the Philippines (Bello). Ligaya Lindio McGovern also feels neoliberal policies and unequal globalization have been detrimental to the welfare of the Philippines, not only from a macroeconomic standpoint, but from a micropolitical level as well. According to McGovern, neoliberal policies implemented in the Philippines have only proven to benefit foreign actors and investors, perpetuating poverty in the country and detrimentally affecting the welfare of women and youth in particular (2). Food insecurity due to restricted agricultural access in world markets and an increased ependency on imports (coupled with fixed high prices to maximize profits) hurts women as they are mainly responsible for the nutritional welfare of the family. Privatization of water and social services puts foreign control over formerly local businesses, limiting the poor’s access to health care and clean water. Foreign influence over industry has led to the contractualization of labor, meaning short- term, low pay work that puts workers in a weak bargaining position. This has led to a massive loss of Jobs, setting preconditions for migration as Filipinos (mostly female domestic workers) go abroad to find work. This has subsequently led to an increased vulnerability in Filipino women for exploitation, downward mobility, and loneliness, and has been a root cause of the rise of human trafficking that has plagued the Philippines in recent years (McGovern 5-14). Ligaya argues that it is neoliberalism and the one-sided distribution of globalization-not corruption-that has led to a rise in militant groups such as GABRIELA, Migrante International, and the New People’s Army, all of whom fght against foreign and American imperialism through economic policy (McGovern 21). In recent years, the ideas of Bello and McGovern have taken hold, particularly hrough development economists like Easterly. While lamenting bad governments as a source of gross inefficiency in foreign aid appropriation, Easterly also speaks strongly against the macroeconomic, universally applicable solutions to poverty offered up by neoliberal policies. He argues such policies are too big and too utopian; with too much distance between principals at the top and implementers at the bottom to provide proper feedback and accountability, too much collective responsibility to create incentive, and too many large, nonspecific tasks bogging down change agents on the field to be effective (14-18). What, then, in light of both arguments as either corruption or neoliberalism as the major source ot poverty and inequali i the Philippines to do to resolve its gap between economic and social development? For Bello, the administration must rid itself of the neoliberal hegemonic stronghold and adopt alternative economic policies that focus on local empowerment of the people and permanent national employment. â€Å"Getting over neoliberalism,† he says, involves â€Å"†¦ getting beyond the worship of numbers that often acts as a shroud to the real, beyond the scientism that masks itself as a science† (Bello, â€Å"Neoliberalism†). McGovern advocates a similar, though more drastic route: a new Philippine state altogether that creates national alternatives to the neoliberal agenda (21). Like Stiglitz argues in his book, McGovern feels that true globalization has never been experienced, as powerful, industrialized countries controlling the flow of goods maintain protectionist policies in their own states while pushing for liberalization that benefits them in poorer countries (3; Stiglitz 62-101). In order for globalization to function, protectionist policies must also be advocated in industrializing countries, if not to the extent that ISI brought them in other regions. Proponents of free trade and economic development, on the other hand, argue that the Philippines must maintain its rapid GDP growth, continue to improve speculative investment climate, implement a broader tax base, and increase foreign ownership of its economic sectors (Elkan). In other words, institutions like the IMF continue to push neoliberal policy as an effective means for development. Increasing speculative investment and foreign direct investment means combatting corruption and bad governance for most proponents of the dominant discourse; the corruption scandals that have haunted the Philippines for decades have been a indrance to a thriving economy and led to increased political violence, and must be dealt with in order to see a reduction of poverty in the country. Ultimately, though, it is difficult to see how focusing on either one factor will lead to any real improvement in social welfare without also addressing the other; the two are both too entrenched in Philippine government. These are not dichotomous factors, rather they are deeply intertwined and coexistent in influencing poverty and social instability. Personal experience lends insight into instances where both corruption and neoliberal effects on society were clear. With a stipend affording me middle-class status in my neighborhood, I still could not afford to buy rice from the local farmers, and could barely afford the only slightly cheaper imported rice. During election time, the Congresswoman led a mass campaign to expand the main highway, only to abandon the project post-elections, leaving the road broken and difficult to traverse. Viewing development as a multifaceted and interconnected process comprising both macro and micropolitical elements, resolutions to development issues must also be viewed as such (Sen). Poverty reduction and development in the Philippines must nvolve both the eradication of rampant corruption and alternative options for neoliberal policies, which have largely failed the country outside of real GDP. Additionally, the government must focus its efforts on the needs of its people, rather than its own personal agenda, according to Desierto. In light of the recent typhoon and previous natural disasters, she says, â€Å"not a single administration has ever committed to making an integrated natural disaster prevention, remediation, and reconstruction system our countrys highest national security priority’ (â€Å"Corruption, Climate, and Congress†). Every administration nas promised he eradication ot corruption, though. Thus, it seems that the administration has allowed foreign institutions and its own political agenda to distract itself from the true needs of its people, which lie at the core of development. The key to poverty reduction then, in the context of the Philippines, is the increased and direct participation of Filipinos in decision-making for future economic and social policies.

Discrimination in the Holocaust

â€Å"Bacilli,† â€Å"spongers,† â€Å"parasites,† â€Å"poisonous mushrooms,† â€Å"rats,† â€Å"leeches,† and so forth (Burleigh and Wippermann, 1991, p. 42). This is the language Hitler used to describe â€Å"the Jew†. Although one may argue that these metaphors were used as a rhetorical device, the terms employed implied extermination as one possible fate for the Jews. On September 1919, Hitler had been assigned by his commander in the List Regiment of the German army to monitor meetings of the German Worker's Party.Shortly after, he discovered his affinity with much of the party's program and joined the organization. Hitler's extraordinary oratorical ability quickly propelled him to the leadership of the party in July 1921, where he moved his comrades to a more militant position in regard to the Jews. The success of the Final Solution required the cooperation of the political leadership and bureaucracy, which promulgated decrees t hat segregated Jews from the rest of society.These steps included the enactment of laws that defined who was a Jew, followed by a census of the Jewish population and the requirement that Jews register their assets for the eventual expropriation of their property and businesses (â€Å"Aryanization†). In the stage preceding the roundup of Jews for deportation, the expectation was that Jews would be used for forced labor. In order to identify Jews they were required to wear an armband with a Star of David. Later, Germans insisted on this rule in all countries occupied by them.Hitler also began to disseminate in his speeches the â€Å"stab in the back† accusation that held Jews responsible for Germany's defeat in World War I and the country's subsequent economic and political ills. The phrase â€Å"stab in the back† was first used by General Paul von Hindenburg when he was summoned by the Reichstag to explain Germany's defeat, but at the time he did not use it as a condemnation of the Jews. Hitler used the phrase exclusively against the Jews for purposes of political propaganda. Throughout the rest of the life of the Weimar Republic, Hitler made antisemitism his primary focus in building his political movement.The autobiography Mein Kampf remains an uncanny record of Hitler's obsession with the Jews and provides insight into the origin of the Nazi racial laws of the 1930s and the subsequent ideas that propelled the Nazis to murder the Jews of Europe. In Mein Kampf, Hitler devoted more than twenty pages to prostitution and syphilis. He blamed the spread of both on the Jews'effort to corrupt the â€Å"racial purity† of the German people. The Jews were accused not only of attempting to subvert the nation politically but also of undermining its racial foundation.Throughout the Weimar Republic, Hitler's violent language against the Jews was implemented in deed by both the SA and the SS. Jews were an easy target because, although constituting only 1 percent of the population, they were visible in all aspects of German life. Their most obvious presence was in politics, where the Nazis were able to connect Jews with bolshevism. Besides, Jews were largely found in the major cities such as Berlin. The cities also were the centers of banking and commerce, and Jews were prominent as bankers in Weimar Germany.Although Jews were not owners of the increasingly important credit banks, some of the largest of these banks employed Jewish managers (Niewyk, 1980). Jewish visibility was most pronounced in the unique artistic and intellectual flowering known as Weimar culture. Jews were proud that a quarter of all the Nobel prizes won by Germans by 1933 were won by German Jews. Finally, Jews had every reason to be proud of their military record during World War I, despite charges made by right-wing groups that Jews had evaded military service.The participation of Jews in the war entitled them to believe that through the crucible of batt le, they had proved their loyalty beyond question. This was not to be. Between 1933 and 1935, the German government enacted laws that removed Jews from public life and revoked their rights as citizens. Concurrent with the passage of anti-Jewish legislation, on July 14, 1933, the government issued the Law for the Prevention of Genetically Diseased Offspring, allowing for the sterilization of anyone recognized as suffering from hereditary diseases, including manic-depressive disease, genetic blindness, genetic deafness, and other chronic diseases.The policies for each group, however, had different objectives. Sterilization and, later, euthanasia were aimed at improving the health of the national community through a program of â€Å"negative eugenics,† or the elimination of the unfit from society. The laws directed toward the Jews had a different intent. Jews were characterized as an active and dangerous enemy that endangered the very existence of the nation. Like traditional an tisemitism, which portrayed Jews as enemies of Christendom, the Nazis viewed themselves in an apocalyptic struggle with consequences that would determine the fate of the Aryan race.German government promulgated the Law for the Restoration of the Professional Civil Service on April 7, 1933, barring anyone not of Aryan descent from public employment and establishing in law the principle of racial differences between Jews and all other Germans. The 1933 law represented the link between Nazi ideology and public policy. Inasmuch as the Nazi vision was one of creating a utopia based on racial purity, the law effectively excluded Jews from all key areas of German life.The Civil Service Law removed the Jews from the state structure, and subsequent laws regulated Jewish physicians to â€Å"protect† the biological health of the nation. The disbarment of lawyers had the objective of protecting the social fabric of society, and the laws regarding schools, universities, the press, and the cultural professions aimed at restoring the primacy of Aryan culture. A 1933 directive ordering companies to fire Jewish employees said, â€Å"It is not religion but race that is decisive. Christianized Jews are thus equally affected.† (Miller, 1995, p. 18) Although this was only partially enforced until 1938, this definition increased the number of those considered Jews from approximately 540,000 by religious profession to a pool of possibly 700,000 by genealogy. The problem arising from these objectives was to determine who was a Jew and what constituted membership in that group. One of the first Nazi definitions of a Jew came from Alfred Rosenberg, head of the Nazi Party's foreign-policy department, who stated, â€Å"A Jew is he whose parents on either side are nationally Jews.Anyone who has a Jewish husband or wife is henceforth a Jew. † (p. 11) In April 1933, a government decree designated as non-Aryan anyone who had a Jewish parent or a Jewish grandparent; the p arent or grandparent was presumed to be Jewish if he or she belonged to the Jewish religion. This definition remained operative until September 15, 1935, when the Nuremberg Laws were proclaimed at a special session of the Reichstag summoned to Nuremberg during the annual Nazi Party rally in that city.The law defined a Jew as â€Å"anyone who had descended from at least three Jewish grandparents or from two Jewish grandparents and belonged to the Jewish religious community on September 15, 1935, or joined the community on a subsequent date or was married to a Jewish person on September 15, 1935, or married a Jew on a subsequent date or was the offspring of a marriage contracted with a three-quarter or a full Jew after the Law for the Protection of German Blood and Honor had come into force or was the offspring of an extramarital relationship with a three-quarter or full Jew and was born out of wedlock after July 31, 1936.† (Hilberg, 1961, p. 48) Not defined as a Jew but counte d as a Mischling, or of mixed Jewish blood, was â€Å"any person who descended from two Jewish grandparents but who did not adhere to the Jewish religion on September 15, 1935 and who did not join it at any subsequent time and was not married to a Jewish person on the September 15 date and who did not marry such a person at any subsequent time. † Such persons were designated as Mischlinge of the first degree. Any person descended from one Jewish grandparent was designated as a Mischling of the second degree.Thus the non-Aryans were split into two groups, Jews and Mischlinge, with the latter exempt from the subsequent destruction process. However, the Mischling was excluded from the civil service and the Nazi Party, and was restricted to the rank of a common soldier in the army. Mischlinge also could not marry Germans without official consent. The definition of who was a Jew was determined after a prolonged debate between the antisemitic zealots in the Nazi Party, who saw the Mischling as a carrier of the â€Å"Jewish influence,† and the civil service, which wanted to protect â€Å"that part which is German.† (p. 47) The victory of those who would protect the part-Jew, however, was no solace for the Jewish community. After the promulgation of the Nuremberg Laws, Jews now found themselves not only socially ostracized but also denied access to German law and the courts for protection. Thinking that Hitler's animus toward Jews was directed at Jews from the East who were living in Germany, German Jews found that under the Nuremberg Laws, the Nazis would not distinguish among Jews in enforcing their racial policy.Kristallnacht marked a turning point for Germany's Jews and, by extension, for all Jews who would be victims of the Holocaust. These events witnessed the government's legitimizing violence and brutality against the Jews. The events leading to Kristallnacht, or Night of the Broken Glass, began on October 7, 1938, when the Nazis decreed t hat the letter â€Å"J† be stamped on all Jewish passports and identity papers. On the same day, the Polish government announced that their nationals living abroad would require the purchase of a stamp on their passports or lose their Polish nationality.Polish consulates had also been instructed not to renew the passports of Jews who had lived abroad for more than five years which left many Polish Jews stateless. The discrimination of Jews was paralleled by the German effort to exterminate the gypsies of Europe. As in the case of the Jews, Nazi ideology viewed the gypsies as subhuman because of their rootlessness. Gypsies, lacking a country of their own, were perceived as parasites living off the host nations that allowed them to reside within their borders.In both Germany and Austria, where gypsies were victims of severe discrimination, numerous regulations that limited their movement and rights were rigorously enforced. Although population data on the gypsies are difficult to assess, many scholars estimate that about 1. 5 million lived in Europe on the eve of World War II (Friedman, 1980). The Nazi persecution of the gypsies mirrored that of the Jews. In September 1933, gypsies were arrested throughout Germany in accordance with the Law against Habitual Criminals. The Nuremberg Laws of 1935 that defined the status of Jews in Germany also included regulations with regard to the gypsies.For example, marriages between gypsies and Germans were forbidden The Research Office for the Science of Inheritance, which in 1937 was renamed the Research Office for Race Hygiene and Population, declared that 90 percent of the approximately 28,000 German Rom (gypsies) were Mischlinge, and therefore non-Aryans. As part of the Nazi program to eliminate â€Å"lives undeserving of living,† gypsies were designated as asocials and a threat to public health. Viewed as parasites feeding off the body of the German people, most were sent to Dachau, where many underwent fo rced sterilization.Although the bulk of the gypsies in both Germany and Austria were considered non-Aryan, there was the matter of â€Å"pure† gypsies. In October 1942, Himmler issued a decree that distinguished between Mischling gypsies and those considered of pure blood, whereby the latter would be permitted a certain degree of freedom of movement. Ultimately Himmler's directive exempted some 13,000 Sinti and 1,017 Lalleri (the gypsies had divided into the two tribes centuries earlier) from the fate awaiting the great majority of the gypsies.On December 16, 1942, Himmler issued an order that in effect called for the Final Solution of the gypsy problem whereby they would be sent to Auschwitz-Birkenau. Exceptions were made for those â€Å"socially adapted† to German life, former Wehrmacht soldiers, and those necessary for wartime labor. However, in each of these categories, those who were exempted were to be sterilized. The Himmler order of December 16 was to seal the fate of Europe's gypsy population (Hancock, 1996). In comparing the fate of the gypsies with the Jews, the words of Yehuda Bauer shed light on the distinctions that the Nazis made between the two targeted peoples:â€Å"Gypsies were not Jews and therefore there was no need to kill all of them. Those Gypsies who were of â€Å"pure blood† or who were not considered dangerous on a racial level could continue to exist, under strict supervision. The Mischlinge were . . . doomed to death. The difference between the fate of the Gypsies and that of the Jews is clear. The Jews were slated for total annihilation, whereas, the Gypsies were sentenced to selective mass murder on a vast scale. † (Bauer, 1990, p. 638) References Bauer, Yehudo. (1990). Gypsies. In Gutman, ed., Encyclopedia of the Holocaust(Vol 2) (p. 638).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   New York: Macmillan. Burleigh, Michael and Wippermann,Wolfgang. (1991). The Racial State: Germany 1933-1945. New   Ã‚   York: Cambridge University Press, p. 42. Friedman, Philip. (1980). Roads to Extinction: Essays on the Holocaust. Philadelphia: Jewish   Ã‚   Publication Society, p. 382. Hancock, Ian. (1996). Responses to the Romani Holocaust. In Alan S. Rosenbaum , ed., Is the    Holocaust Unique? (p. 44). Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press. Hilberg, Raul. (1961). The Destruction of the European Jews. Chicago: Quadrangle Books, p. 48. Niewyk, Donald L. (1980). The Jews in Weimar Germany. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University   Ã‚   Press, p. 14. Miller, Richard Lawrence. (1995). Nazi Justiz: Law of the Holocaust. Westport, Conn.: Praeger, p.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   18.

The Facts about Religion and Its Historical Development

The Facts about Religion and Its Historical Development Religion is the worship and belief in a supernatural power, especially a god or gods. Different people belong to different religions depending on their beliefs and ideologies. Most of the religions practiced in the world today began over 2,000 years ago. From the course materials, various ‘facts’ have been identified about religion and its historical development.Advertising We will write a custom assessment sample on The Facts about Religion and Its Historical Development specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More The first fact about religions during the pre-1500 period is that they formed an important part of human culture. During the period, religion and culture were two elements that united people in different regions. People depended on gods for revelation, healing and spiritual guidance (Lecture Notes). They did not visit a doctor or specialist for healing or revelation. The second fact is that no one can judge whether a give n religion has the right beliefs or not. All the major religions have their own unique beliefs and faiths. The outstanding fact is that human beings cannot decide whether the views, teachings and beliefs of the religions are wrong or right. This explains why there are differences in these major religions. The other important discovery is that members of a particular religion place their faith in that religion alone (Lecture Notes). This fact has made religions very complicated to understand. Human beings are free to make their own decisions about faith and beliefs without the influence of other people. The third fact about religions during the traditional world is obtained from the book The World: A Brief History: Combined Volume by Felipe Fernandez-Armesto. During the period, most of the civilizations were promoted by these ancient religions. During the traditional world, religious practices brought people together thereby promoting development. This made it easier for them to work together and promote social development. Architects wanted to build long-lasting churches and mosques. As a result, the world began to civilize slowly by slowly (Fernandez-Armesto 52). Most of the ancient civilizations are linked to the people’s religious practices. These religions led to the establishment of modern systems of education and leadership. The other fact from the book is that all the major world religions began during or before the Traditional World. These religious groups have retained their religious practices and ideologies for very many years. During the time, people from different religious groups could not coexist freely.Advertising Looking for assessment on religion theology? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Individuals belonging to different religions habited different geographical regions during the traditional period (Fernandez-Armesto 57). The traditional world occupied the entire worl d until 1500 when things began to change. The traditional world was characterized by slow growth, lack of communication and poor living conditions. The world was also isolated due to geographical distances. The BBC website states another fact that Christianity was the worlds biggest religion and faith during the pre-1500 period. The website goes further to say that the religion was founded on the views and teaching of Jesus Christ. Majority of Christians believed that Christ showed them the way towards eternal justice and peace (â€Å"Religion† par. 2). Christians believe in the existence of one Supreme God, but in Him there are three elements: God the Son, the Father and the Holy Ghost. The believers worshiped in special houses called synagogues. The early Christians considered the Bible as the Holy Book. The Bible consisted of the New and Old Testament. This has remained the same even in the modern and present world. Fernandez-Armesto, Felipe. The World A Brief History, C ombined Volume. New York: Pearson, 2009. Print. Religions 2012. Web. bbc.co.uk/religion/religions/christianity/ataglance/glance.shtml

Ideas for Celebrating Student Birthdays in School

Ideas for Celebrating Student Birthdays in School Teachers celebrate many special days in their classrooms throughout the school year, but birthdays are a special celebration and teachers should make it special for each student. Here are a few ideas for celebrating student birthdays  in the classroom. Birthday Placemats, Balloons, and Covers Make your students day even more special by placing a birthday placemat on their desk. When students enter the classroom everyone will know whos birthday it is by looking at the desks. For an added touch you can attach a brightly colored balloon to the back of the students seat, and cover their chair with a birthday chair cover. All About Me Poster When you know its one of your students birthdays coming up have that child create a special all about me poster. Then, on the day of their birthday, have them share their poster with the class. Birthday Questions Each time it is someones birthday in the class each student gets to ask the birthday student a question from the flower pot. For directions on how to make the flower pot and a downloadable question bank visit Fun For First. Birthday Graph Celebrate birthdays in your classroom by having students create a birthday graph! During the first week of school as a class create a birthday graph that will pose as the birthday bulletin board. Above each month, put the students birthday. Birthday Bags Every child loves getting presents on the birthday! So here is an idea that will not break the bank. At the beginning of the school year go to the nearest Dollar Store and purchase the following items: Cellophane bags, pencils, erasers, candy, and a few trinkets. Then make a birthday bag for each student. This way when their birthday comes around, you will already be prepared. You can even print out cute labels that say Happy Birthday with their name in it. The Birthday Box To create a birthday box all you have to do is cover a shoe box with birthday wrapping paper and place a bow on the top of it. In this box place a birthday certificate, pencil, eraser, and/or any small trinket. When students enter the classroom have each person make the birthday girl or boy a birthday card (this goes in the box too). Then at the end of the day when its time to celebrate give the student their birthday box. Birthday Wish Book Celebrate each students birthday by having the class create a birthday wish book. In this book have each student fill out the following information: Happy Birthday, _____My birthday wish for you on your birthday is _______If I could give you a gift I would give you _______The thing I like the best about you is ______Have a great day! From _______ Once students have filled out their page for the book have them draw a picture. Then assemble all of the pages into a book for the birthday student to take home. Mystery Gift A fun gift to give to students on their birthday is a mystery bag. Purchase one or more items (the dollar store has great cheap gifts for kids) and wrap the items up in different colored tissue paper. Choose dark colors so the student cannot see what is inside. Then place the gifts into a basket and allow the student to choose whichever gift they want.

Freedom of the Seas Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3000 words

Freedom of the Seas - Essay Example Historically, it has been one of the chief means by which the United States has influenced international affairs; the vigorous assertion of the principle of freedom of the seas has been a major cause of four armed conflicts: the Quasi-War with France in 1798, the Barbary Wars, the War of 1812, and World War I. First established by the Romans, it was challenged in the sixteenth century to secure trade and by a Papal Bull that sought to divide the oceans between Portugal and Spain. During the eighteenth century, the principle again became widely accepted when the definition of territorial waters was extended to include a three-mile zone. While the United States strongly took the position that neutral ships should be allowed to carry goods for belligerents in times of war, other nations enforced rules of contraband (mostly defined as military stores) and blockade. This became an important issue during the wars after the French Revolution when Great Britain and France imposed maritime blockades. To force these nations to change their policies (and also to end British impressment on American ships), the United States passed the Embargo Act (1807) and the Nonintercourse Act (1809). After France declared it would lift its blockade, and when Great Britain did not follow suit within a three-month period as demanded by President James Madison, the United States declared war on Great Britain in June 1812. The United States accepted the concepts of contraband and blockade as legitimate during the Civil War but shied away from capturing Confederate diplomats off of neutral vessels during the Trent Affair. As long as the United States was a neutral during World War I and World War II, it protested the extensive blockades against Germany and very liberal British definitions of contraband. President Franklin D. Roosevelt, nonetheless, established "maritime control areas" at the beginning of World War II that extended into the high seas. In both wars, activities of German U-boats against neutrals provoked sharp American protest: by President Woodrow Wilson after the sinking of the Lusitania in 1915, and by Roosevelt in September 1941 after the torpedoing of American ships. The first major challenge to the freedom of the seas principle after World War II was President Harry S. Truman's 1945 announcement extending U.S. jurisdiction to natural resources on the continental shelf. Other nations followed by extending their territorial waters, some of them as far as 200 nautical miles. A 300-mile maritime defense zone around the American continents, established by the Rio Pact of 1947, was cited by the John F. Kennedy administration to legitimize the "naval quarantine" during the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962. The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea agreed upon a 12-mile territorial limit and a 200-mile exclusive economic zone in December 1982. In 1982 a comprehensive United Nations Law of the Sea Treaty agreement was reached that established the twelve-mile limit for territorial waters and the two-hundred-mile "exclusive economic zone" that the United States had pushed for. The historic pact deemed the world's oceans the "common heritage of mankind" and